Myanmar Coup d’état: A Reflection

SIA NYUAD
5 min readMar 11, 2021

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Aparna Rajeev

Every new day is a struggle when living amidst the ravages of a pandemic-stricken world. However in February 2021 indeed this experience was elevated to a whole new level with the headlines “Myanmar back to square one” trending all over social media. The seizing of power by the military forces from the National League of Democracy headed by Aung Saan Suu Kyi, in the wee hours of February 1st indeed came as a shock to not only the people of Myanmar but the whole world. While Myanmar may have marked its transition to democracy about five years ago, it stands shackled today by the tyrannic forces of the junta just as it was in the seventies and eighties. One cannot help but affirm that the military never truly really left and nor does it look like they are going to any time soon!

Endowed with natural resources and rich history, Burma or as it is now known to the world, Myanmar is known to the world mostly through its relentless efforts to secure democracy. The champion of these efforts, Aung San Suu Kyi, a former Nobel laureate, indeed underwent years of house arrest under the Tatmadaw for fifteen years. Even though Myanmar transitioned to democracy in 2015 with Suu Kyi taking the position of the State Counsellor, the trials for the country were far from over. It is widely known that Myanmar was far from perfect of the ideal democratic model propounded by Dahl, which could be attributed to the looming power of the military forces in the day-to-day politics of the country. Making things worse, Myanmar’s short-lived democracy received global attention through the military-led ethnic genocide of the minority Rohingya community. As the survivors of the most brutal and atrocious military crackdown in the twenty-first century were forced to flee to Bangladesh and other neighboring countries, the state of affairs then was surprisingly defended by Suu Kyi in the International Court of Justice.

While it is largely unknown whether Suu Kyi was under pressure from the military or if the Lady of Myanmar willingly joined hands with the genocidaires to solidify the support of the estimated 56 million Buddhist majority, it can be ascertained that Suu Kyi no longer holds a favorable reputation in the international community. Nevertheless, Suu Kyi’s status today as the champion of democracy, at least among the Buddhist communities that constitute the majority, not only remains intact but strengthened symbolizing the deep desire among the citizens to live in a nation ruled by elected representatives.

With “hope” truly being one of the most powerful things in the world and upholding their desperation to prevent history repeating itself, the people of Myanmar have taken to the streets once again, to protest against the recent illegal detention on the false grounds of importing foreign Walkie-talkies to thwart the power of military as well as several other NLD leaders on account of violation of pandemic related rules.

In fact, it is no coincidence that the army crackdown on pro-democratic leaders have come at a time, when the representatives of the National League for Democracy were planning to convene their second term as a democratically elected political body after the landslide victory against the Union Solidarity and Development Party, which is backed by the military themselves in the elections conducted in November 2020. Even though, by the rules enshrined in the Constitution of Myanmar which was formulated by the Junta in 2008, the army has a fixed proportion of seats reserved in the Parliament, the massive success of the NLD and some of the rumors that indicated NLD’s agendas which included the initiation of several constitutional reforms persuaded the Tatmadaw to claim the elections and the Election commission of the country as “fraud”. The refusal to accept the sweeping results of the elections has taken the form of an indeed well-planned coup d’état or “a yearlong imposition of emergency”, which has not only succeeded in the deposition of the pro-democratic leaders but also a constitution of a new acting government entirely controlled by the authoritarian military forces.

The citizens of Myanmar have taken to the streets not only to protest against the incarceration of their leaders but also the several pro-democracy activists, poets, artists, etc. along with a nationwide suspension of internet networks and social media. The protests that continue even as I write this article have become one of the largest the nation has ever seen, with a high degree of youth involvement in staging not only demonstrations but also extremely creative and non-violent protests which echoes the recent pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong and Prague Lennon wall protests. Street plays, graffiti of Rue’s three-finger symbol from The Hunger Games, paintings, handmade posters, poetry readings, films, etc. fill the streets of Myanmar today, thus giving birth to a unique form of resistance whose soul lies in art and expression becoming one of the most important revolutions that the world has ever seen in the twenty-first century.

The international community, especially the United Nations, was quick to respond and condemn the actions of the suspension of democracy with the exception of China and Russia. While New Zealand has imposed travel restrictions and the US-led by the Biden administration has imposed economic sanctions on the military government, causing the threat of loss of foreign aid worth billions, China and Russia, two veto-wielding powers in the UNSC have been quiet. China has refused to acknowledge the military coup in the country, calling it a “major cabinet reshuffle”. The refusal indeed serves as a reminder of the massive economic plans helmed by China in Myanmar, including the building and expanding the operations of one of China’s largest tech companies, Huawei, and the Belt Road Initiative. China’s refusal to condemn the situation in Myanmar indeed comes with huge repercussions for the efforts of both the citizenry and the international community. This can be attributed to the fact that the new military government in Myanmar would remain unfazed by the international pressure in the form of US sanctions on account of the unwavering political and economic support provided by China. It is thus clear that what Myanmar now needs is a collaboration of the two superpowers, the US and China, to effectively weaken military influence in the country by collectively taking measures such as the imposition of an embargo.

While the people in Myanmar have been voicing their disdain for military rule for weeks now, the situation continues to remain dicey. Thus, it becomes all the more important for us to talk, spread awareness and amplify the struggles of the people towards restoring democracy for decades through all possible outlets because as Aung San Suu Kyi once said, “The struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma is a struggle for life and dignity. It is a struggle that encompasses our political, social and economic aspirations”.

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